Amman and Dubai: Class and Cosmopolitanism

Class, Cosmopolitanism and Cities: Urban Segregation in Amman and Dubai

Standing at the Citadel of Amman, one can witness the city’s brown-beige buildings cover its hilly landscape for miles at a stretch. Like ocean waves, the buildings rise and fall with the landscape, uniform at times, and at times not. A keen eye will find that a look towards the east shows smaller, more dense buildings, and the west, more sparse and bigger, taller buildings. The central business district, with its skyscrapers and glass buildings is unmissable from the citadel, and a line falls across the city, sharply dividing the east from the west.

Amman, much like many other cities throughout the Middle East, has witnessed economic growth and rapid urbanisation. Between 1994 and 2004, Amman witnessed a population growth of 3.1%, while its built-up area grew by 4.2% (Ababsa, 2011). Paired with a neoliberal economic growth and influx of Palestinian and Syrian refugees, Amman developed rapidly, but not uniformly. After King Abdullah II took over the throne of the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan in 1999, the country has sought out neoliberal policies and has opened its market to foreign investments and trade. An increase in foreign investments has transformed West Amman into a west-influenced, café covered haven for some citizens. The Abdali mall shines in the central business district; equipped with every luxury brand one could expect to see in streets of Paris and Milan, the mall is a space for the citizens of Amman to experience luxury which was untouchable for most two decades ago. However, this development and glamour is restricted to West Amman. Along the streets of East Amman exist more traditional souks and bakeries, one will not find luxury brands and American fast food here, but subsidized pita bread and street vendors selling dates. Amman indeed has two cities; ‘cosmopolitan West Amman, where development is unfolding at breakneck speed and foreign investment has skyrocketed, and East Amman, the bustling, dusty home to a majority of the city’s poor and working-class residents’ (Schwedler, 2011).

The difference in development within the city is not spatial alone, but seeps deeper into society. While West Amman is home to the wealthier section of society, East Amman houses economically weaker classes, and refugee camps for Palestinian and Syrian refugees, and even South Asian migrants. The spatial changes in West Amman have affected the lives of those living or working in the wealthier neighbourhood, creating a more cosmopolitan, English-speaking population. Urban spaces define class, and vis a vis, class defines urban space, and the interaction between the two manifests in form of behavioural patterns such as consumption and language. Amman provides a great example of how these factors interact, and how social norms change with space within a city.

2500 kms away, in the glistening, skyscraper covered city of Dubai, these factors interact differently. Dubai’s population of 3.3 million is largely expatriate, from South Asian and South East Asian migrant workers, to the richest businessmen of London, many have called Dubai home. Amongst its glitz and glamour, Dubai portrays as a true cosmopolitan city where all are welcome. In 2015, International Organization for Migration reported Dubai as the ‘the most cosmopolitan city in the world’ (IOM 2015). It is true, that much of Dubai’s population is foreign-born, but Dubai’s cosmopolitanism is based on its quantitative diversity alone. While much of the city’s population is expatriate, there exists a deep and obvious divide amongst its residents. Dubai is ‘identified as one of the most segregated cities in the world according to indices which measure the differentiation between one group and another’ (Elsheshtawy, 2020). This segregation flouts the very crux of cosmopolitanism, and yet, Dubai continues to present itself as the city of the future, one where the world can be at home.

With regards to its socio-economic duality, Dubai is not very different from Amman, although the extent of segregation differs in the two cities. Much of Dubai is visibly developed; from the tallest building in the world, to gated communities with luxurious villas and highways straight out of a science fiction, Dubai is fair competition to the world’s most developed cities. But with a population largely compromised of migrant labourers, who form the poorest section of society, Dubai has spaces hidden in the shadows of its skyscrapers, which are home to its large migrant population.

Where do, the poor in Dubai live then? Most of the migrant labourers are tucked away in labour camps, where they live in congested and unsafe conditions. A study by Alawadi et al (2018) maps out Dubai’s housing landscape, which shows that much of Dubai’s urban space is unaffordable for many, and much of its working class is forced to live in labour camps in the outskirts of the city. Urban space in Dubai is inevitably defined by class, but when compared to Amman factors of cosmopolitanism manifest differently in the city.  

 Interaction of urban space, language and consumption in Dubai may be different from Amman, and yet these patterns overlap sometimes, giving rise to a detailed and diverse insight into the socio-urban landscape of cites in the middle east. 

Space and Class: Housing and public spaces in Amman and Dubai

Amman’s socio-economic differences is especially visible in East-West divide. From visuals alone, it is understood that West Amman is far more developed and socio-economically well-off than East Amman. Research done through Geographic Information System (GIS) by Myriam Abasa (2011) shows that the ‘size of the blocks alone gives an idea of the morphological structure and disparities within the city: between the mass of small blocks in the centre of the city and near the Palestinian camps, and the slightly larger blocks in West Amman’ (p213). West Amman’s larger plots and buildings hold hotels, restaurants, bars, luxury apartments and villas. The more densely populated and run-down blocks of East Amman houses refugee camps and old houses but also traditional souks and even the Roman Theatre.

The images below show the density of housing units in Amman, and Villas in Amman. The contrast between the two images shows how socio-economic differences manifest in urban space; higher density housing in the East, and higher number of villas in the West. East Amman’s density is attributed to its informal housing and refugee settlements, while West Amman’s Beverly hills inspired villas are the homes of the country’s richest and elites.

Since the 20th century, Jordan has geographically been at crossroads of migrants from conflict-torn countries. The 1948 Arab–Israeli war led to over 700,000 Palestinians to be displaced, many found refuge in Jordan (Alnsour and Meaton, 2013). Over the years, refugee camps in Jordan have grown, housing an influx of refugees from fleeing Palestine in recent years, and Syria as well. 

Along with a refugee crisis, Amman is also dealing with the crisis of affordable housing. Housing costs in Central and West Amman rival that of European capital cities, but much of its population cannot afford these prices. There is a severe lack of affordable housing in the city, and this leads to the densification of informal housing in East Amman. Jordan’s housing policies are also plagued by high interest rates on mortgages, ‘fluctuating between 7.5 and 8.5% for a 20-year loan, which limits citizens’ borrowing capacities’ (Abasa et al, 2021). Policies and the housing market has shaped the Amman’s east-west divide, but the socio-economic division manifests in public spaces as well, and consequentially in behavioural expectations and consumption patterns.

Along the streets of East Amman exist bakeries which are several decades old. They provide pita bread, a staple of many of East Amman’s inhabitants, at a subsidized price (Martınez and Sirri, 2020). For less than 2 dinars one can find a meal of hummus, bread and meat at food stalls. Socio-economic class manifests in these spaces in form of discussions they give rise to, languages spoken, and gendered presence. Much of Amman’s urban poor access these spaces, and much of Amman’s poor is either employed in the informal sector, or in the service sector in West Amman. Unlike in West Amman, youth and the elderly of East Amman speak Arabic, and most do not know English. Men smoke shisha on the pavement, and assert the gendered aspect of public spaces. Women do not loiter much in these neighbourhoods, and daily business is conducted mostly by men, and in Arabic.

This is a stark difference from the life being led in West Amman where bars and nightclubs have proliferated, English is the lingua-franca for all, but even more so the youth. Women loiter along the streets, the CBD houses expats entering and exiting in suits and dresses. Women smoke shisha on café terraces, and sushi bars or pizzerias appear frequently around downtown Amman. Each meals costs much more than 2 dinars, and is often served at a decorated table at a well-lit restaurant. Housing in West Amman is less uniform than the east, and yet it is obvious that the residential apartments are much larger and less densely populated. The housing crisis of Amman is strangely visible in West Amman as well, as there is an oversupply of luxurious housing and undersupply of affordable housing. Many of West Amman’s apartments remain empty, or are even abandoned. Not enough people in the city can afford these houses, and not enough houses exist in the east.

Dubai experiences spatial segregation differently than Amman. Dubai stands as a city of luxury, a utopian dreamland where all is glamourous and perfect. While there exists social mobility between East and West Amman, and the poorer areas of Amman are accessible to all, Dubai strives to hide and shove its poverty to the far corners of the city, away from the eyes of the rest of the world. Dubai’s diversity which is accompanied with its large expatriate population does not manifest in its spatial uniformity. While Dubai strives to be a global competitor, it also undeniably wants to be Arab. In its chase for glory and perfectionism, Dubai has left behind an essential characteristic of all famous metropolises, spatial and economic heterogeneity. Unlike Amman, Dubai does not produce remnants of social segregation in form of urban divide. Almost all neighbourhoods of Dubai are extravagant and posh, and nearly unaffordable to the migrant population, who are responsible for building, and maintaining the city’s glamour.

 While the lower class of Dubai are tucked away in labour camps, residential spaces in Dubai are barely affordable for the middle class. Amman’s East-West divide is stark, and yet there is room for the middle class to settle on either side, as some spaces in central and western Amman are increasingly accommodating the working class.

Housing segregation seeps into segregation into public spaces, but it differs in Dubai and Amman. In Dubai, social interaction in public spaces require certain behavioural benchmarks from all, regardless of class. While construction sites, and public spaces around labour housing may provide an insight into the behavioural patterns in the city, information on such topics are scarce. Much of Dubai’s public spaces are meant for its elite population to enjoy, and for tourists to marvel at. In these spaces, people from around the world watch the Burj Khalifa’s grandeur, or take a walk along the city’s pristine beach, or watch exhibitions at the Etihad Museum. Some shop at luxury brand outlets, while others rest at the Burj-al Arab exquisite suites. The ‘Dubai Brand’ (Kanna, 2011) allow these only the elite to enjoy these ‘public spaces’ but so little remains for the city’s lower socio-economic section to explore.

Space and Cosmopolitanism: Social Interactions in Amman and Dubai

Amman’s cosmopolitanism has evolved over the years to accommodates different classes. Neoliberal economic reform has allowed the effects of globalisation to settle in Amman, giving access to cosmopolitan consumption to different classes. ‘New sites of leisure have allowed some middle- and lower-middle-class Jordanians to insert themselves into Jordan’s relatively new cosmopolitan leisure economy’ (Schwedler, 2010, p 548). In West Amman’s grand Abdali mall, people of all classes are welcomed, and while the plethora of international brands spread across the mall may not be affordable for most, public spaces such as these allow for social interaction amongst different classes, and gives the middle-class an opportunity to explore a more cosmopolitan culture. In the food court of the mall lies the space where real interactions occur. Beside the Shawarma shop on the top floor of the mall, exists a Popeye’s, and next to it, a Crêpe shop. Cosmopolitanism blossoms in form of cuisine here, and gives access to all to different cultures. Cosmopolitanism does not stop at the mall, of course. Along the famed Rainbow Street of West-Amman exist Pakistani-Indian restaurants, and even Korean cafes. These spaces evoke a certain cosmopolitan code which was earlier not available to many Jordanians.  

Dubai’s cosmopolitanism is different than Amman. It is much less mobile, and selective. The exclusionary nature of Dubai’s multiculturalism may defy the essence of urban cosmopolitanism, yet, it would be unrealistic to conclude that cosmopolitanism does not exist in the city for the middle or lower class at all. Cosmopolitan urbanism in Dubai to a great extent is exclusionary. The image of Dubai’s ‘international city’ is accessible to a handful, mostly the elite citizens or tourists. However, Elsheshtawy (2020) in his paper mentions that in Dubai, spaces of inclusive interaction vary.  

There exist certain areas in the city which may allow for more inclusivity of different ethnicities. In Dubai’s Nasser Square, ‘one can observe a multicultural scene with people hailing from various parts of the world interacting and conversing. South Asians, Africans, and Arabs occupy the various benches placed throughout the meticulously landscaped park’(Elsheshtawy, 2020). In the neighbourhood is also a Chinese wholesale market, and gift shops affordable for the city’s lower-income groups. Hotels and clubs crop up occasionally, and the locality provides a space where cosmopolitanism can, to an extent, grow. However, unlike Amman, the cosmopolitanism here is not laissez-faire at all, but rather, a façade. ‘Nasser Square evokes a bland cosmopolitanism; a place that city officials wield to placate the sensitivities of critics who decry the city’s segregation and fractured urbanity’(Elsheshtawy, 2020, p 813). Dubai’s cosmopolitanism provides an example of a form of cosmopolitanism which is different from the multicultural coexistence which is usually associated with global urban spaces. This sort of cosmopolitanism is ushered in by the marginalized, and is therefore a sort of cosmopolitanism at the grass-root level, or as Elsheshtawy (2020) mentions, is ‘transient cosmopolitanism’ (p 814).

Conclusion

Amman and Dubai provide examples of different spatial designs in the Middle Eastern cities. Spatial segregation exists in both cities, but they are perceived differently, by the state and by the world. Urban segregation is inherently related to class, and segregation reflects in through housing conditions, interaction in public spaces, and cosmopolitanism. Amman presents an example of a very visible and definite urban segregation, but there exists mobility, both economic and social, within the city. Globalisation and multiculturalism in West Amman is not entirely exclusive to the, and in certain ways, cosmopolitanism can be accessed by those living in East Amman as well. Dubai presents a different perspective on urban segregation, one which is much more stringent and exclusionary. Housing and public spaces in Dubai is for the benefit of the rich, and cosmopolitanism is an accessory of the elite. The cosmopolitanism that exists for the lower-class, is from the bottom, and is distinct from the more top-down approach in Amman. Social mobility is restricted in Dubai, and the city is not the international utopia it claims to be. Distinct forms of urban segregation exist in the two cities, and both give unique insight into how urban spaces impact and interact with class and consumption and cosmopolitanism in the Middle East.